『大東亜戦争への道』（展転社）
中村 粲
その４６ 第十一章 北支をめぐる日華関係 第５節 北支自治運動と冀東・冀察両政権
塘沽停戦協定以来、北支の民心は必ずしも南京政府の治下にあるを好まず、機会あらば華北の自治を望む機運が強く、特に非武装地区の農民にそれが著しかったのです。
この背景には、南京政府過去十年間の北支に対する搾取がありました。例えば、昭和十年ころ、南京政府が北支から調達する中央税と税外収入の年額１万４千元であるのに対し、北支への中央支出額は８千３５０元にすぎませんでした。このような搾取政策は、伝統的な軍閥の常套手段でしたが、満州国の目覚ましい発展を見て、住民の心底に北支自治の念願が生ずるのは自然なことでもありました。
北支自治の政治思想が表面化して来るにつれ、北支の将領たちに間にも動揺を生ずるに至りました。彼らは日本との提携の必要を十分に知りつつも南京からの圧迫を警戒し、軽挙を控えていました。南京政府は、この形勢に対して武力誇示と懐柔策の硬軟両様の策を以てその離反を阻止しようしていましたが、この年の１１月、英国支援の下に幣制改革を断行しました。これが成功すると、北支に対する南京政府の支配がさらに強まります。
宋哲元、韓復榘はその阻止をはかるとともに、華北自治政権の樹立を目指します。南京政府の華北切り崩し工作と華北将領の不決断のために華北自治運動の形勢混沌たる昭和１０年１１月２５日、戦区督察専員・殷汝耕は突如、通州に於いて自治宣言を発表し冀東防共自治委員会を設置しました。自治地区は塘沽停戦協定の１８県に７県を加えた、２５県でした。
この間天津と北京では自治反対と自治要請の両者が示威行動を行い、物情騒然となりました。ここに至って南京政府は、むしろ日本に先んじて、中央の体面を保ちうる範囲内で、北支に適合する政治組織を作る方が得策と判断し、１２月１８日、宋哲元を委員長として冀察政務委員会を発足せしめました。同委員会は、２省（華北・チャハル）、２市（北京・天津）の政務一切を管轄する行政院直属の機関です。冀東政権が南京政府からの独立を主張して親日的であったのに対し、冀察政権は日華双方の妥協の上に立つ政権でした。宋哲元は日本側の意中の人物でありながら、冀察政権自体は国民政府の一機関でした。日本人有志、日本軍の介入は両政権共にありましたが、傀儡というような性格のものではありませんでした。
・その４６，第１１章４節 日本語原文： https://hassin.org/01/wp-content/uploads/Road46.pdf
・ 〃 第１１章４節 英訳文： https://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Road46E.pdf
令和７年１０月１４日
「史実を世界に発信する会」 会長 茂木弘道
協力者代表：神奈川大学教授 小山和伸
THE ROAD TO THE GREATER EAST ASIAN WAR
Nakamura Akira, Dokkyo University Professor Emeritus
(English Translation: Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact)
Part 46, Chapter 11: Japan-China Relations on Northen China -5
After the Tanggu Truce was concluded, the inhabitants of North China were not altogether satisfied with life under the rule of the Nanjing Nationalist government. Farmers in the Demilitarized Zone harbored a fervent desire for North China autonomy, and hoped an opportunity would arise.
What motivated them was frustration with the Nanjing government’s predatory tax policy vis à vis North China over the preceding decade. Here is one example: In 1935 the government collected 14,000 yuan per annum in central government tax and non-tax revenue, but expended only 8,350 yuan on North China. Exploitative policies like this had been commonly used by Chinese warlords in the past. But as Chiang Kai-shek’s regime gradually retrenched in the face of Manzhouguo’s remarkable progress, it was only natural that a deep-seated longing for autonomy would spring up among the people of North China.
As the notion of political autonomy for North China began to surface, so did unrest among North China’s warlords. They were aware of the need for an alliance with Japan. But they were apprehensive about pressure from Nanjing, and refrained from acting precipitously. The Nanjing government responded to turmoil in North China by using a combination of inflexible and accommodating tactics. In November of 1935 the Nationalist government initiated a currency reform with British backing. If the reform were successful, Nanjing’s control over North China would certainly tighten. Both Song Zheyun and Han Fuju attempted to sabotage it by prohibiting the export of silver from their provinces, and attempted to achieve autonomy for North China.
The North China autonomy movement was in turmoil in November 1935, thanks to the Nanjing government’s attempts to undermine it, and vacillation on the part of the warlords. Then, in Tongzhou on November 25, Yin Rugeng, the commissioner of the Demilitarized Zone, suddenly issued a declaration of autonomy for the zone and announced the establishment of the East Hebei Anti-Communist Autonomous Council. Yin became chairman of the council, which had nine members. The autonomous region comprised 25 counties, seven more than the 18 designated in the Tanggu Truce.
In the meantime, demonstrations in Tianjin and Beiping, which involved both anti- and pro- autonomy groups, created chaos. Finally, the Nanjing government decided that, given the circumstances, it would be preferable to anticipate the Japanese by establishing a political organization suited to North China, one that would allow the central government to salvage its reputation. On December 18 the Hebei-Chahar Political Council was born. The council would have jurisdiction over all government affairs for two provinces (Hebei and Chahar) and two cities (Beiping and Tianjin). When Song was installed as chairman, he said that politics should respect the will of the people and be guided by integrity. While the East Hebei Anti-Communist Autonomy Council stressed independence from the Nanjing government and pro-Japanese, the Hebei-Chahar Political Council was rooted in compromise between Japan and China. Song was hand-picked by the Japanese, but the Hebei-Chahar Council was an organ of the Nationalist government. Their involvement in the organizations notwithstanding, the Japanese were not manipulating them.
URL: https://www.sdh-fact.com/book-article/2385
PDF: https://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Road46E.pdf
Moteki Hiromichi, Chairman
Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact