日清戦争 ・南京事件・従軍慰安婦・日韓併合・満州事変・日中戦争・東京裁判・GHQ・大東亜戦争(太平洋戦争)・歴史研究関係の書籍を翻訳

『大東亜戦争への道』（展転社）
中村　粲
その２９　第九章　赤色支那への対応　第１節　南京事件

孫文の急死とともに国共合作の包蔵する矛盾は一気に表面化し、その中で台頭してきたのが軍事力を掌握した蒋介石でした。彼は中国統一のため北伐を主張、蒋を総司令とする国民革命軍は１９２６年７月広東を進発、２年後の１９２８年６月、北京入城で完成します。この北伐の過程で、中国は日本をはじめ諸外国の居留民と権益財産に対していく多の無法行為に出ました。そして多くの場合、背後に共産党の策動がありました。満州事変への道は、「ある日突然」ではなく、激烈な排日と赤色テロにあやどられた歴史展開のうちに準備されていったのです。
北伐が開始されると、中共は態度を一変させ、コミンテルン指令に従って革命の戦果の後自己の政治勢力を扶植していく政策をとります。革命軍の進撃は目覚ましく、９月には漢口、１０月１０日には武昌を陥落させます。武漢が陥落するや、中共は南昌攻撃に従わず、武漢地方の最大の軍閥唐生智と組んで、武漢を中共並びに国民党左派の根拠地たらしめんとしたのです。１９２７年２月２１日、国民党本部と政府の武漢移転が宣言され、武漢政府が樹立されました。
将は武漢政府から国民革命軍総司令の地位を取り消されたものの軍事力を背景に１９２７年３月下旬までに上海近郊・広州・南京を占領、蒋派と武漢派の対立は深まりました。
３月２４日、南京に入った革命軍の正規兵の一部が、衝突を恐れ非武装にしていた日本領事館に乱入、略奪暴行殺害行為に及んだのです。英米の領事館も同じ目にあいました。両国は扛上の軍艦より砲撃を行いましたが、日本は自制しました。
この事件は、「革命軍中の共産党代表及び共産派下級将校が南京共産党支部長と予め計画準備のため行った組織的かつ排外的暴動」（森岡領事）でした。米国領事も同じ見方を本国に報告しています。より詳しい情報については本文をぜひお読みください。
南京事件から間もない４月６日、北京の支配者張作霖は、ソ連大使館を捜査、共産革命工作の秘密指令等の証拠書類を押収しました。蒋介石の反共意志は固まりました。４月１２日上海に於いて反共産党大粛清を断行、直ちに南京政府を樹立しました。
６月初旬、コミンテルンが、当時漢口滞在中のインド共産党首領ロイに宛てて、農民の武装蜂起を指令する密伝を発し、ロイがこれを汪精衛に見せたのです。さすがの汪精衛、国民党左派もこの密伝には愕然とし、共産党の正体に気が付いたのです。７月武漢政府は
「容共政策放棄声明」を発し、共産党との絶縁を宣言、ソ連の軍事顧問を追放しました。
汪精衛は南京政府との合体を提唱、これに南京権の蒋介石も両政権合体を表明しました。
９月６日、両政権の合体協定が成立、ここに二つの国民党政権が南京政府の下に統一されたのです。
・その２９，第９章１節： https://hassin.org/01/wp-content/uploads/Road29.pdf
・　〃　　第９章１節　英訳文： https://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Road29E.pdf
令和６年９月３日
「史実を世界に発信する会」 会長　茂木弘道
協力者代表：神奈川大学教授　小山和伸
＊拡散大歓迎

THE ROAD TO THE GREATER EAST ASIAN WAR
Nakamura Akira, Dokkyo University Professor Emeritus
(English Translation: Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact)
Part 29, Chapter 9: Contending with Attempts to Communize China-I

Immediately after the untimely death of Sun Yat-sen, the contradictions inherent in the United Front came to light. As they surfaced, Chiang Kai-shek was gaining prominence and military strength. He was eager to move forward with the Northern Expedition, maintaining that it would help unite China. He prevailed, and the NRA (National Revolutionary Army), with Chiang as its commander in chief, marched out of Guangdong in July 1926, completing its mission two years later, in August 1928, in Beijing. During the expedition NRA troops committed numerous unlawful acts against the persons of Japanese and other foreign residents, as well as their property and interests. The CCP was responsible for most of those crimes. The Manchurian Incident of 1931 was not spur of the moment; the path to it was paved with historical developments, among them violent anti-Japanese acts with telltale signs of communist terrorism.

Once it became clear that the Northern Expedition would come to pass, the CCP did an about-face, prompted by the Comintern. Borodin issued strict orders that the CCP members were to establish and expand the party’s political strength after each NRA victory. NRA campaigns met with spectacular success. In September Nationalist forces occupied Hanyang and then Hankou, and on October 10, Wuhan fell. When Wuhan was defeated, the CCP refused to obey Chiang Kai-shek’s orders to attack Nanchang. Instead, the communists formed an alliance with Tang Shengzhi, the most powerful warlord in the Wuhan region, their objective being to establish Wuhan as a base for CCP and left-wing GMD members. On February 21, 1927 GMD headquarters announced that the government had been moved to Wuhan.

Chiang was dismissed as commander in chief, but he ignored the demotion and continued with his mission. By the waning days of March 1927, his forces had occupied the environs of Shanghai, as well as Hangzhou and Nanjing. Chiang’s forces gradually assembled in Nanjing, and friction between the Nanjing and Wuhan factions intensified.

On March 24 NRA troops entered Nanjing, holding their blue-and-white GMD flag high, and burst into the defenseless Japanese consulate. They plundered the consul’s residence, stealing everything in sight. The women there were forced to undergo innumerable, agonizing ‘physical examinations’. The NRA also looted the British and American consulates, and schools and offices. To rescue their civilians, both nations shelled the city of Nanjing from battleships on the Yangzi for about an hour. But Japanese battleships held back, fearing that their participation would trigger a massacre. A total of seven foreign nationals died in the Nanjing Incident, including one Japanese.

Consul Morioka reported that the attack was a systematic, xenophobic uprising planned and perpetrated by CCP officials and junior officers in the NRA Army, in concert with members of the Nanjing branch of the CCP. On April 6, not long after the Nanjing incident, Zhang Zuolin, now the commandant in Beijing, raided the Soviet Embassy, confiscating documents that revealed communist maneuvering, among them secret directives. It became increasingly clear that the events in Nanjing were part of Stalin’s plan to communize the world. Chiang Kai-shek’s anticommunist sentiments had solidified. On April 12, he conducted a huge anti-CCP purge, and immediately proceeded to establish a government in Nanjing.

In early June, the Comintern sent a secret telegram to Manabendra Roy, a leading Indian communist operating in Hankou, ordering him to organize an armed peasant uprising. Roy showed the telegram to Wang Jingwei and his leftist cronies. Wang, at long last, awakened to the fact that the CCP was planning not the realization of the Three Principles of the People, but a communist revolution.

In July 1927 the Wuhan government announced that the United Front had been dissolved. Cooperation with the CCP ceased, and Borodin and his staff of Soviet political and military advisers were sent packing. Wuhan government head Wang Jingwei proposed uniting the two governments, and in response Chiang Kai-shek, head of the Nanjing government, consented and announced the merger. On September 6, an agreement was signed, and the two GMD governments became one, with its seat in Nanjing.

URL: 　https://www.sdh-fact.com/book-article/2224/
PDF: 　 https://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Road29E.pdf

MOTEKI Hiromichi, Chairman
Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact

『大東亜戦争への道』（展転社）
中村　粲
その２８　第八章　革命支那と共産主義　第３節　中共の陰謀と国共対立

国共合作で国民党に加入した共産党員は、週刊機関紙「嚮導」や書籍・雑誌などによってマルクス主義を宣伝し、浸透工作を進めました。
合作後のわずか１年後には共産党は「国民党内工作決議案」なる秘密決議案を全党員に指令しました。
① 国民党各党部を共産党の団体活動機関と認定し、これを通じて、全力を挙げて我が党の国民党利用の目的を達成すること。
② 国内実力派と国民党との提携を打破すること。
③ 国民党員及び一般民衆に暗示を与えて三民主義を懐疑し、批判する風を起こすこと。
等々、完全に国民党乗っ取り戦略を展開したわけです。心ある国民党員は共産党の下心を警戒していましたが、孫文はあくまでも共産党に対する信頼を崩さなかったのです。
この共産主義に対する妄信こそ新生中國の犯した最大の過誤であり、１９２０年代以降の極東における不幸な混乱と戦争のすべては、この中国（あるいは孫文）の誤算から出たものと言ってよいでしょう。
１９２４年１１月１０日、孫文は「北上宣言」を発して不平等条約の廃棄と国民会議の招集を呼びかけました。そして広東政府と和解して平和裏に中国統一を図ろうという北方派の段祺瑞、張作霖らの申し入れに応じて北京に向かいました。
孫文が北京に入ると先に北京に集まっていた馮自由等反共派は共産党排除を孫文に要求しました。また、同じく右派の謝持、張慶らは「国民党同志倶楽部」を組織し、共産党排斥宣言」を発表しました。これに対して広東派は馮自由以下３２０名の党籍はく奪を行いました。そうした最中、孫文は肝臓病で死去しました。死の前日汪精衛の起草した二つの遺書に署名しました。ところが、その後、ソ連に感謝する第３の遺書が中国とソ連で発表されましたが、これは英文で書かれ、孫文の署名はありませんでした。国民党はこれを認めていません。
１９２５年７月１日、国民政府がもうけられ主席にはボロディンの意向を反映して左派の汪精衛が選ばれました。１２月には林森等反共派は北京の西山碧雲寺に集まり、①譚平山、李大釗、毛沢東ら９人の共産党員の国民党籍はく奪。②ボロディンの解雇。③汪精衛の党籍を６か月停止。を決議しました。
１９２６年１月１日に広州で開かれた国民党第二次全国大会は共産党が主導し、国民党の指導機構はほぼ共産党員の手に落ちました。もはや「三民主義」の４文字を口にするものもない状況でした。
この大会で北伐を主張した蒋介石は、ボロディンの後継者キサンカの反対を受けましたが、中山艦事件をきっかけに軍を背景にした蒋介石の地位が高まり、北伐の建議が中央で受け入れられ、１０万の軍が進発の態勢を整えたのでした。
・その２７，第８章３節： https://hassin.org/01/wp-content/uploads/Road28.pdf
・　〃　　第８章３節　英訳文：https://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Road28E.pdf
令和６年７月１２日
「史実を世界に発信する会」 会長　茂木弘道
協力者代表：神奈川大学教授　小山和伸
＊拡散大歓迎

THE ROAD TO THE GREATER EAST ASIAN WAR
Nakamura Akira, Dokkyo University Professor Emeritus
(English Translation: Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact)
Part 28, Chapter 8: Revolutionary China and Communism – III

Once they joined the GMD, CCP members immediately began to spread Marxist propaganda using their weekly Guide magazine, books, and other periodicals. Only a year after the inception of the First United Front, they drafted a secret resolution entitled “Tactics for Use on the GMD.” The main tactics were: (1) Regard each GMD department as a CCP organization dedicated to group activity, and use those organizations to achieve CCP objectives; (2) Disrupt ties between powerful individuals and the GMD; and (3) Create an environment within the GMD and in society at large that is skeptical and critical of the Three Principles of the People.

One look at this resolution and we are convinced beyond a shadow of a doubt that the First United Front was an illusion. Sensible GMD members thought the communists had ulterior motives, but Sun Yat-sen never lost faith in the CCP. In fact, his blind acceptance of communism was the gravest mistake made by fledgling China. All the ruinous chaos and wars in the Far East during and after 1920s can be traced to China’s (or Sun Yat-sen’s) blunder.

On November 10, 1924 Sun Yat-sen issued his Manifesto on a Northbound Journey. His plans were to travel to Beijing in response to requests from northern warlords Duan Qirui and Zhang Zuolin.

At around the time when Sun Yat-sen arrived in Beijing, Feng Ziyou and other anti-communist GMD members suddenly made a move, issuing a demand that Sun expel communists from the GMD. Additionally, in March 1925 right-wing members like Xie Chi and Zhang Ji joined with other kindred spirits to form the GMD Comrades’ Club. The organization issued a declaration demanding the expulsion of CCP members from the GMD.

Wang Jingwei and other left-wing GMD members retaliated swiftly by announcing the expulsion of Feng Ziyou and 320 other members from the GMD. It was amidst this conflict that Sun Yat-sen’s life came to an end in Beijing.

On January 1, 1926 the Second National Congress of the GMD commenced. It was dominated by communist members, who acquired every important position. Chiang Kai-shek proposed the Northern Expedition at the congress, but his plan was rejected by Borodin. Then the Zhongshan Incident of March 1926 provided the impetus for Chiang to crack down on the CCP, and strengthened his resolve to conduct the Northern Expedition.

On July 1, 1926 the National Military Council issued the mobilization order for the expedition. Eight armies comprising 100,000 men made preparations as they awaited their marching orders.

URL: 　https://www.sdh-fact.com/book-article/2212/
PDF: 　 https://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Road28E.pdf

MOTEKI Hiromichi, Chairman
Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact

『大東亜戦争への道』（展転社）
中村　粲
その２７　第八章　革命支那と共産主義　第２節　第一次国共合作

１９２１年７月、上海フランス租界で、コミンテルン代表のマーリンらの指導の下、中国共産党が設立されました。コミンテルンのアジア問題専門家であるマーリンは孫文に接触し、ソ連の新経済政策NEPを例に挙げて「ソ連は別に共産主義を実行しておらず、新しい経済政策をとることに改めた」と説明して、孫文に安心感を与えることに努め、孫文はこれを信じたのでした。
１９２３年１月「孫文・ヨッフェ宣言」が発表されました。そこでは、共産組織は支那では採用不可能であるが、支那の最大の課題である国民的統一の完成と国家的独立の達成にソ連は援助をすること、カラハン宣言は依然有効であり、ソ連は帝政ロシアが結んだ露紙条約を喜んで放棄することなどが謳われていました。これに次いで、ソ連は結党３年目の中共に対して国民党と合作を働きかけました。
１９２３年８月蒋介石は孫文の命を受け、訪ソし、その軍事、政治並びに党務を視察して１２月に帰国しました。その感想は、ソヴィエトの政治組織は専制且つ恐怖的なものであり、国民党の三民主義とは到底相いれない、ソ連の対華政策は満蒙やチベットをそのソヴィエトの一つとすることであり、中国本部についても侵略の意図がないとは言えない、など非常に的を射たものでした。しかし孫文は、中ソ両国の将来について蒋の見解は取り越し苦労にすぎる、中共を国民党の指導下に置くことによって、彼らが階級闘争で国民革命を妨害するのを防止することができるなどと述べて既定方針を変更しようとはしませんでした。
１９２３年１０月ソ連共産党からボロディンが派遣されてきました。彼は孫文に、国民党の重大欠陥として、組織の不完全と規律のないこと、さらに大衆組織形態をとるための民衆的基礎を欠いていることを指摘し、これら諸点を改編せねばならないと説きました。
孫文はボロディンの意見に全く同意し、彼を最高顧問にし、彼の意見に忠実に従って国民党組織改組を行いました。
１９２４年１月、国民党第一次全国代表大会が広東で開かれました。
（１） 国民党の改組：新しい組織はボロディンの指導の下、ソ連共産党の組織をほとんどそのままの形で模倣したものでした。
（２） 連ソ容共（国共合作）：「我が党がすでに遵奉している民主主義は、いわゆる社会主義、共産主義を悉くその中に包含しているのである」と反対派を説得しています。共産党員は個人の資格で続々入党し、要職につきました。中央執行委員２４人中３人、同候補１７名中毛沢東ら７人の共産党員が選出されました。
（３） 黄埔軍官学校：黄埔（広東省）軍官学校が第３インターの財政的支援とボロディンの指導、ソ連から多数の指導将校が派遣されて設立されました。校長は蒋介石でしたが、教務部副主任に葉剣英、政治部副主任に周恩来など共産党員が任命され、影響力を振るうようになります。
かくて、国民党の三民主義は孫文の革命理論と第３インターに至る中共の革命理論の最大公約数というべきものとなり、その後の国民党の混乱の基となっていくのです。
・その２７，第８章２節：https://hassin.org/01/wp-content/uploads/Road27.pdf
・　〃　　　第８章２節　英訳文：https://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Road27E.pdf
令和６年５月２１日
「史実を世界に発信する会」 会長　茂木弘道
協力者代表：神奈川大学教授　小山和伸
＊拡散大歓迎

THE ROAD TO THE GREATER EAST ASIAN WAR
Nakamura Akira, Dokkyo University Professor Emeritus
(English Translation: Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact)
Part 27, Chapter 8: Revolutionary China and Communism – II

In December 1921 the Comintern directed Dutch operative Maring, an Asian specialist, to approach Sun Yat-sen.
When the two men met, Maring stressed the flexibility of Soviet policies, maintaining that their emphasis was not specifically on practicing communism, but on implementing a new economic policy (NEP). It is obvious that Sun believed Maring and that the NEP piqued his interest.

On January 26, 1923 the Sun-Joffe Manifesto was announced. It contained the acknowledgement that neither communism nor the Soviet system was suitable for introduction into China. The Soviet government offered its sympathy and support to China as it strived to accomplish its most pressing tasks: national unification and full national independence. Joffe reaffirmed the principles outlined in the Karakhan Manifesto, and promised Sun that the Soviet government was prepared to negotiate with China about the renunciation by Russia of all treaties, etc., imposed upon China during the Tsarist era.

Then work began on a scheme for collaboration between the CCP and GMD.

In August 1923 Chiang Kai-shek visited the USSR as a member of Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s Mission to Soviet Russia. Among his impressions of the USSR and the conclusions he reached about communism were: Soviet political organizations are “instruments of tyranny and terror, and basically incompatible with the Kuomintang’s political ideals;” the Soviet Communist Party’s China policy is first to “convert the Northern Provinces, Mongolia, Singkiang, and Tibet into parts of a “sovietized domain,” and may even harbor sinister designs on China’s other provinces; the tactics and purpose of the Soviet “world revolution” posed a greater danger to national independence and movements in the Far East than Western colonization policies.

However, upon hearing Chiang’s reports, Sun told him that his views about the future of Sino-Soviet relations were overly pessimistic and unsuited to the realities of revolution. Sun was convinced that the CCP could not succeed in sabotaging the national revolution by launching a class conflict if the GMD took control.

In October 1923 the USSR dispatched communist agent Borodin to China. He met with Sun and indicated several major flaws in the GMD: lack of a unified party organization, strict principle, and a popular support base. Sun agreed with every one of Borodin’s suggestions and immediately appointed him his adviser.

The 1st National Congress of the GMD took place in Guangdong from January 20 to 30, 1924. Some highlights follows:
(1) Reorganization of the GMD
The new GMD，fashioned under the guidance and influence of Borodin and his group of Soviet advisers, almost completely replicated the structure of the Soviet Communist Party.
(2) GMD-CCP United Front
Sun used the following argument to convince the United Front’s opponents: “The principle of livelihood, which our part already espouses, includes socialism, communism, and collectivism. The policies that Russia is implementing at this time are not pure communism, but simply policies intended to resolve problems relating to livelihood.”
More and more CCP members joined the GMD and ensconced themselves in important positions. The 24-member Central Executive Committee welcomed three communists. Among 17 alternate members were seven communists, including Mao Zedong.
(3) Founding of the Whampoa Military Academy
Under the leadership of Borodin and with Comintern financial aid, the military academy was established. A political department was created for the political education of soldiers. Zhou Enlai of the CCP became deputy chairman of this department; Chiang Kai-shek was installed as superintendent of the academy.

A noteworthy item in the platform of the GMD concerns foreign policy: “All unequal treaties, such as foreign concessions, extraterritoriality, foreign control of customs, and all categories of political power exercised by foreigners in China and prejudicial to her sovereignty should be cancelled, and new treaties based on the principle of equality and mutual respect for the sovereign rights of both parties should be negotiated to take their places.”

URL: https://www.sdh-fact.com/book-article/2207/
PDF: https://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/Road27E.pdf

MOTEKI Hiromichi, Chairman
Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact
Phone: 81-3-3519-4366
Fax: 81-3-3519-4267

＜　書　評　＞
ジョン・マーク・ラムザイヤー（John Mark Ramseyer）著、李宇衍（Lee woo-youn）・柳錫春(Lew Seok-choon)訳『ハーバード大学教授が教えてくれる慰安婦問題の真実（副題：太平洋戦争における売春契約）（Contracting for Sex in the Pacific War）』（メディアウォッチ社　２０２４年）
ラムザイヤー論文集日韓同時出版の意義
国際歴史論戦研究所
上席研究員　松木國俊

ハーバード大学ラムザイヤー教授が、慰安婦性奴隷説を論破した論文の数々を一冊にまとめた本『慰安婦性奴隷説をハーバード大学ラムザイヤー教授が完全論破』（ハート出版　２０２３年）が、2023年12月13日に日本で刊行され、続いて2024年1月3日、韓国でも同様の書籍が出版されました。韓国語版のタイトルは『ハーバード大学教授が教えてくれる慰安婦問題の真実（副題：太平洋戦争における売春契約）』です。
韓国語版の構成及び内容は日本語版とほぼ同じで、最後の章でラムザイヤー教授と前早稲田大学教授の有馬哲夫氏との共著論文「北朝鮮とのコネクション」が付け加えられています。
韓国語への翻訳は、落星台経済研究所研究員の李宇衍氏、及び前延世大学教授柳錫春氏の二人によって行われております。李宇衍氏は、2019年に韓国で刊行された『反日種族主義』の著者の一人であり、経済学博士として韓国経済の発展段階を客観的に分析し、日本による統治を極めて肯定的に評価しています。2019年12月からは、毎週水曜日に日本大使館敷地前で「慰安婦像撤去、反日水曜集会中断、正義連（元韓国挺身隊問題対策協議会）解体」を要求するデモを単独で展開しており、大変行動派の人物です。
もう一人の翻訳者、柳錫春氏は社会学博士であり、「発展社会学」の見地から、日本統治時代を冷静かつ公平な視点で研究しています。彼は、延世大学の講義中に「日本統治時代の真実」を語ったために教職を追われ、反日勢力から告発されて現在係争中の身です。
今回『慰安婦の真実』を韓国内で出版することが出来たのは、歴史の真実を広めるべく奮闘している、両翻訳者の熱意と使命感に負うところが大であり、慰安婦の嘘を論破したラムザイヤー論文の内容を、一般韓国人が知るところとなる意義は限りなく大きいです。
本書の刊行は、慰安婦問題の根本的解決に向けた、最も画期的で重要なステップとなるとみることができます。
書評（日本語）：http://hassin.org/01/wp-content/uploads/Ramseyerjk.pdf
〃　（英訳）：http://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/RamseyerjkE.pdf
＊本書評は国際歴史論戦研究所のサイト（https://i-rich.org/　）に初出。
令和６年６月１１日
「史実を世界に発信する会」 会長　茂木弘道

＜Book Review＞
Harvard Professor Tells Us the Truth about the Comfort Women Issue (Subtitle: Contracting for Sex in the Pacific War), written by John Mark Ramseyer, translated by Lee Woo-youn and Lew Seok-choon, published by Media Watch Company
The significance of the concurrent publications of Professor Ramseyer’s papers in Japan and South Korea
By Matsuki Kunitoshi, Fellow, International Research Institute of Controversial Histories

The book titled Harvard Professor Ramseyer’s Complete Refutation of Comfort Women Being Sexual Slaves published by Heart Publishers, Seoul in 2013, contains the professor’s papers that completely refuted the theory of comfort women being sexual slaves. It was published on December 13, 2023, in Japan and the publication of the same book translated into the Korean language followed on January 3, 2024. The title of the Korean version of the book is Harvard Professor Tells Us the Truth about the Comfort Women Issue with the subtitle Contracting for Sex in the Pacific War.
The structure and contents of the book are nearly identical to Japanese version and the only difference is that in the last chapter of the Korean version, a paper entitled “Connection with North Korea”, co-authored by Professor Ramseyer and the former Waseda University Professor Arima Tetsuo is added.
The translation into the Korean language of Prof. Ramseyer’s papers was done by Mr. Lee woo-youn, researcher at Naksungdae Institute of Economic Research and Mr. Lew Seok-choon of Yonsei University. Mr. Lee woo-youn is one of the authors of the book Anti-Japanese Ethnicism published in Korea in 2019 and as an economist, he objectively analyzes the development stages of the Korean economy and highly praises the governance by Japan. From December 2019 onward, he has been single-handedly conducting regular demonstrations asking for “the removal of the comfort woman statue, the suspension of the anti-Japan Wednesday meeting and the dissolution of the Korean Council for Justice and Remembrance (The Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan). He is truly a man of action.
The other translator, Mr. Lew Seok-choon, is a sociology doctor. He studies the period of Japan’s rule of the Korean Peninsula from the perspective of “developmental sociology” while maintaining a balanced and impartial viewpoint. During his lecture at Yonsei University, he talked about the “truth about the Japanese rule,” and as a result, he was expelled from his teaching job, indicted by the anti-Japan forces and is now fighting his case in the court.
The successful publication at this time of The Truth about the Comfort Women Issue owes much to both translators for their passion and sense of duty. The significance of what Ramseyer papers say in refutation of the comfort women-related lies being known to the general Korean public is enormous. The publication of this book will be epoch-making and a significant step toward the complete resolution of the comfort women issue.
*This book review was first published in International Research Institute of Controversial Histories site (https://i-rich.org/).
URL: https://www.sdh-fact.com/review-article/2203/
PDF: http://www.sdh-fact.com/CL/RamseyerjkE.pdf
MOTEKI Hiromichi, Chairman
Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact